I go back to the problem already addressed in the early days of the wave of popular uprisings Arabic five months ago: Are these uprisings political phenomenon related to the nature of the systems of Arab Republics, without property, or is it the secretion of the nature of the political system in all Arab countries, regardless of the condition of property or the Republic?
There is a clear tendency, at least in all that I was able to read what he has written so far for the Arab revolution, towards the non-discrimination between the two republics and monarchies in the Arab part of this historic wave. It is not entirely clear whether this tendency miles or bias, or spontaneous choice to be justified scientifically, historically and methodology.
However, I have a choice rather than a tendency to distinguish between the two cases, a choice I think that is justified historically, politically and methodologically well.Without going into details it does not have the space here, I assume that the phenomenon of popular uprisings emerged from the political nature of the Arab republics and monarchies in general are so far outside the vital area of the wave. Note that the first intifada, which demands determination and irreversible drop the system, but did not get in the five republics hit by the wave so far, and I mean, Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya and Syria. Second, the wave of popular uprising, when some of the affected properties, particularly in Jordan, Oman and Morocco, did not take the logo down the system, at least so far. Third, the response of the monarchies that have faced this uprising was characterized as more flexible and more inclusive of the wave, and therefore more able to meet demands. This was evident in the case of Oman, Morocco and Jordan.
In Saudi Arabia, was quick to state some of the administrative reforms, and a lot of issues related to per capita income, and unemployment. In the republics, the response was slow and disrespectful in Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen and elusive, and violent and bloody in the cases of Libya and Syria. Difference in the nature of the response between the republics and monarchies of the hand, and between the republics on the other hand, has connotations of what the task requires attention to them.
Finally, it must be a word about the case of Bahrain, the Intifada that took place in this small country an old case dating back to the seventies of the emerging of the last century, and therefore no direct and clear relationship with the current wave. That this wave may have provided an emerging framework that has historically, but it is not the cause of detonation.
The other thing, that the state of Bahrain is characterized by a clear sectarian divide, including not agree with the new wave of popular uprisings. Problem here is that the legality of the demands interfere with the sectarian divide is in the community.Although the survival of this division is essentially a state responsibility, but it does not relieve the other parties to the crisis that has entered the political game from the gate of the same sectarian retrenchment.
Should be aware that all this does not mean in any way, that the property does not have at least some of the symptoms of the republics and their problems, or they are not in dire need of extensive repairs, particularly of political reforms. But it does mean dealing with this problem from the perspective of a historical comparison, as there are participants between the property and Arab republics in the language, history, political system, there are big differences between them, especially in the area of origin and history, and identity, ideology, and the relationship with the community, and then the political nature of governance and the way dealing with the people.
Of the most important qualities that diverge from the property of Arab Republics three features: First, the emergence of property (except Jordan) got hundreds of years ago, so deeply rooted in the history of the community. The most prominent examples of the monarchy in Morocco, which enjoys connects the historic spanning more than five centuries of time.
In Saudi Arabia, extending the age of the property for nearly three hundred years passed, during which changes even settled on its current form. This factor has allowed the accumulation of political, social and cultural obtained the property on the historical legitimacy. In contrast, we find that age does not exceed the republics in the oldest sixty years. Second, in the framework of chronological age, we can say that the emergence of property came naturally, and to a large extent consistent with the political structure and cultural community of origin.
And property, including the traditional systems, emerged from within traditional societies, and the mechanisms and factors belonging to the composition of these communities, and the republics, the inception, and in particular its development, it was still uncertain, some of these systems was born in the modern era in the context of a national liberation movement, such as Algeria and Egypt, and some are the result of a revolt against the monarchy backward, such as Yemen. To this extent this was undoubtedly the emergence of a natural given the legitimacy of the modern state could be built upon. But start with no problem based on the political elite that led the process of building a republic to a mature political thought has the ability to reconcile between the nature of traditional society, the nature of the modern stage. Thus, creating a bridge of transition and political transition. But this requires that you have a project of this elite social, political, and clear, which was completely lacking. Became clear that this elite on governance and wealth above all else. Worse, perhaps linked to this, that this elite suffers from an unmistakable tendency, condescension and superiority towards the traditional society which is governed by, and believes it gives them the right to lead this community the way you see, and the goal that you see. In other words, this paradox, the trusteeship system of the Republic to their more obvious and more severe compared to systems of ownership. With time, and the problem of the republics reached a peak with their flaws came to light when one after the other: it is no less oppressive colonial powers for the country that liberated them, and failed development programs, and seized the political rights of citizens. Worse still, the elites of the republics, who reneged on a promise on which came to power, the establishment of a national state of the Republic, in that it did not take long time until it violated the spirit of the Republic of this country, the introduction of inheritance.Republics were not, in this case, in a position to bear the face of reality, and therefore have adopted internal policies marked by repression and cruelty of being gagged. Has ended up becoming that are not governed by regulations and are the property of the Republic, where there is corruption, does not recognize civil liberties, and incapable of addressing the problems of education, poverty, unemployment, and thus is unable to adhere to national and nationalist slogans. Were not property of the truth and an oasis of democracy and freedoms, but they were relatively more achievement, and more modest than the republics with their citizens, and less inclined to claim, as well as less commonly used for political slogans.
Here come the teams third, which is probably a result of these and other features, I mean the distance in the relationship of the political system with the community with its history and traditions: the monarchy to history and upbringing, which is closer to a society that is governed, in comparison with the relationship of the republican system with the community. There is no doubt that there are clear differences between both cases, the property and the Republic, but often these differences tend to be differences in degree, not differences in kind, and this is certainly the case before the explosion of popular uprisings.
What after this wave, and how it will affect the restructuring of the state in communities ravaged by, and how it will affect the regional scene in general, and ordered to be waiting for its results and implications.
It is clear that the issue of problem more and more complex than meets the right in a short article, but even so, it must, I think, to begin to be addressed at a certain point, and ask specific, hypothesis leads the thinking and analysis, makes itself a subject open to discussion and further thinking . To talk to the rest.
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